Italian immigration

Index

 Introduction

 Theory

 Italian Migration policy

 Measures for cultural integration

 Civil rights

 Social rights

 Political rights and nationality law

 Quantitative data

 The facts

 Illegal immigration.

 A relative latecomer as an immigration country

 Large volumes and rapid flows.

 High share of illegal immigrants.

 The high presence of non-EU foreigners in jail.

 Different nationalities, fragmented religions.

 Qualitative data

 Determinants of Immigration

 Asylum-seekers and refugees

 Case study: Lampedusa

 Conclusion

 Bibliography

 Internet

Introduction

Italy is a country with a long history of emigration and a very short experience of

immigration. Mass emigration started with Italian unification: during the period 1861-

1976 over 26 million people emigrated, half of them ttowards other European countries,

the rest towards North and South America. Two fifths of all these emigrations originated

from the regions of the South of Italy.

The reasons were, on the one hand, the slow and difficult development of the

Italian economy and, on the other, the economic expansion which characterised other

countries between the second half of the nineteenth century and World War I. After

World War II, Italians emigrated mostly towards Europe, especially Germany. In the

same years, the development of the industrial North stimulated mmass internal migration

from the South to the North-West.

Emigration declined quickly in the period 1970-1980. In spite of the high

unemployment rate (especially among young people), the higher level of income of

Italian households allowed them to bear the long periods of unemployment oof their

members. Now only a few highly skilled and specialised workers leave the country in

search of better job opportunities.

During the same period, Italy changed from being a sender country into a host

country, receiving immigrants largely from developing countries and Eastern Europe.

Theory

Italian Migration policy

When immigration started in any sizeable way the Italian institutional infrastructure was

not prepared to cope with it. The legislation was not adequate, the administrative structure

insufficient and the financial support for the necessary activities was not even planned.

The 4 legislation tried to adapt the institutions to the new phenomenon.

The asylum law was revised and extended to all other countries, a visa to enter the

country was requested from countries of potential immigration, and an expulsion ppolicy

was improved and financed.

Now, however, even though Law 59/1990 established a „planned number“ of new

entrants each year, the number was not decided upon, and it thus remained at zero, with

immigrants continuing to enter the country illegally, by the „back door“. The existence

of a large shadow economy contributes to attracting immigrants who come solely to earn

money for a short time, and the expectation of a legalisation procedure attracted not only

temporary migrants, but also the ones who wanted to change their ccountry of residence.

The large inflows of Albanians in the 90s induced the Government to rethink its

immigration policy and its role in Europe and the Mediterranean with a more restrictive

law (DL489/1995). The initial feeling of a country of emigration is to behave differently

toward immigrants – such as to treat them more favourably than Italian immigrants were

treated in the past – but this sentiment has now been replaced by the feeling that Italy is a

country of immigration, part of a broader area in which there is freedom of movement,

the Schengen area, and the country now has the duty to think more in terms of the

integration of foreigners.

Regularisations are emergency interventions. Since the beginning, the Government

wanted to abandon them as policy instrument. However, it is difficult to succeed in a

country with a large underground economy – about 25 per cent of total activity – and with

long frontiers which are difficult to police to prevent illegal immigration – (similar to the

USA experience)-. The Government under the pressure of illegal immigrants always

implemented the last legalisation for foreign already integrated in the labour market. The

abolition of possible regularisation procedures for the future together with a clearer

definition of the possibilities for legal entry from abroad with a qquota system, supported

by more controls at the frontiers and stricter persecution of organised clandestine flows

are the back bone of the Italian immigration policy.

Furthermore, to discourage illegal entrance in search of job, the sponsor institute has been

introduced, namely as in Australia a native, a legal foreigner, or an organization can

sponsor the entrance of a foreigners in search of job for a limited amount of months.

The Italian migration regulation is not only focused on the entrance of the foreigners.

Since the mid 1990s the Government provides also support for foreign integration. A

number of intervention have been implemented in the field of education (training and

language courses) as well as in the field of social services (mainly housing subsidies and

childcare)

Legalizations by countries of origins (millions)

Measures for cultural integration

The 2002 Bossi-Fini law did not change the 1998 Turco-Napolitano law as far as the

treatment of cultural diversity is concerned. The use of cultural mediators is foreseen,

multicultural educational programmes are funded with public money and these include the

teaching of the language of the country of origin. Integration is also supported by providing

special support for learning the vehicular language, i.e. Italian, in schools and in special

classes for adult migrants. The goal of pluralism would be better achieved by ppassing the bill

on religious freedom, which gives more freedom and benefits to religious minorities in Italy,

thus enabling the Government to overcome the difficulty of signing conventions with Islamic

associations, often rife with division and under excessive control of foreign governments. The

signing of agreements would however represent a strong act of public recognition of the

Islamic minorities, because this road has already been followed for other minorities. The

approval of the bill would in any case be an important step forward because many measures in

it correspond to needs expressed by the Islamic communities concerning the respect of

religious edicts on food, holidays, prayer and burial of the dead. First presented by a Christian

Democrat leader (Ciriaco De Mita), then by former Prime Minister Romano Prodi, it has been

proposed again within Berlusconi’s Government. However, it is strongly opposed by the

Northern League, although it is supported by the Home Secretary Giuseppe Pisanu.

Civil rights

Documented immigrants are treated like Italian citizens as far as civil rights are concerned.

Civil action against direct or even indirect discrimination (for reasons of race, colour, origin,

and religious belief) is allowed. Italian legislation still does not comply, however, with the

E.U. directive concerning anti-discrimination in two points. The 1998 law prohibited various

forms of discrimination against citizens or

immigrant workers, but did not provide for a

reversal of the burden of proof in cases involving discrimination against workers by

employers. The Bossi-Fini law has not touched upon this issue, but the European directive on

the question was ratified by Legislative Decree 215 of 9 July 2003, which does not however

contain explicit provisions on the burden of proof. To protect victims of enforced prostitution

and “new slavery” the 1998 law already envisaged a visa for reasons of “social protection”;

the victims are offered special rrecovery and rehabilitation programmes. In no case can women

be expelled during pregnancy or in the six months after giving birth.

Minors can be expelled only if they accompany their expelled parents or, when alone, if it is

possible to trace their parents in the country of origin, or some institution that can take care of

them properly. A special Committee for foreign minors is in charge of taking care of the

return of non-accompanied minors to their country of origin. Foreign minors who cannot bbe

expelled are granted a special residence permit. The Centre-Right government’s reform gives

a work permit to those minors who come of age and have been included in integration

programmes run by local authorities, voluntary associations and NGOs, that must certify that

the minors aattend the programmes.

In 2006, the law no. 7/2006 was approved, punishing the practice of infibulations with

sentences from 4 to 12 years, to be increased of one third if the practice concerns minors.

When the surgery is performed by a health worker, this latter risks disqualification from

profession from 3 to 10 years. The guilty will be punished also if infibulations is performed

abroad. Furthermore, the state is committed in starting information campaigns both in Italy

and in the countries of origin. Instead, the proposal of the centre-left opposition of granting

the right to asylum status to women who flee their countries because they refuse infibulations

has not been accepted.

Social rights

Documented immigrants enjoy the same social rights as Italian citizens, with only minor

exceptions, slightly increased by the CCentre-Right reform (for example, access to public

housing is now tied to a two-year residence permit). Restrictions to social rights, however,

had already been implemented by the last Centre-Left governments. After the 1998 Single Act

a circular from the social security body INPS, which had specified that access to social aid

was available to immigrants, was cancelled; the Maternity Law of March 8, 2000 limited the

special maternity allowances for single mothers and for mothers of a third child (or more) to

holders of a permanent rresidence card.

One of the problems most affecting foreigners is the risk that the social and pension

contributions they pay for may bring them no return in benefits. Under the Bossi-Fini law,

foreigners who return to their own country without having reached the minimum necessary to

receive benefits (20 years of contributions, and a minimum age of 65), lose all their

contributions if they have been a member of the retributive or mixed system. Only if they are

members of the contributive system can they get back what they have paid in. Under the

system which existed previously, in contrast, there was a special fund at INPS (the Italian

national social and pension fund) for the return of these contributions (plus 5%).

The Turco-Napolitano law had already abolished the “repatriation fund”, which gave

foreigners money to return home (this fund was partially financed by a contribution of 0.5%

taken out of foreign workers’ wages).

Undocumented immigrants are given basic rights – essential public healthcare and state

education. The 2002 Centre-Right reform changed undocumented immigrants’ rights very

marginally. Undocumented immigrants are still entitled to all “essential services and

treatment even if long-term”, not just to treatment in the event of emergency, pregnancy and

for children, as is the rule in other countries. Undocumented immigrants are given a sspecial

anonymous public health card; they are asked to pay the normal contribution or to declare

they are unable to pay it. For undocumented minors, public education is not only free, but also

compulsory. Undocumented immigrants also have the right to legal aid.

The 1998 law limited temporary accommodation to legal immigrants only, but the Bossi-Fini

law specifies that all “social integration measures” are limited to legal immigrants and

therefore denies private bodies (for example, Catholic associations such as Caritas) the

possibility of assisting and giving shelter to undocumented immigrants. Not all organisations

have actually observed this regulation however. The possibility for the mayor to allow

undocumented immigrants access to accommodation in the event of an emergency, envisaged

by article 40 of the Turco-Napolitano law has not been abolished by the Bossi-Fini law, but

transformed into a transitory measure (article 34) while completing the network of temporary

accommodation and assistance centres.

The national fund for migration policies, set up by the Turco-Napolitano law, was

incorporated by the Centre-Right government in 2001 in the national fund for social policies,

which maintains, however, a division in budget constraints. The 2003 finance law (law 289 of

27 December 2002) eliminated the specific destination of funds and considerably reduced

their size.

During 2005, the National Fund for Social Policies has been halved wwith the consequence of

serious damage for the activities in the field of migration promoted by local authorities.

Political rights and nationality law

The proposal to extend the vote at local elections to permanent cardholders, originally

contained in the 1998 draft law, was later removed, as the legal office of the Chamber of

Deputies decided that it was unconstitutional. A proposal to revise the Constitution (Chamber

of Deputies bill 4167) was put forward, and then set aside by Centre-Left governments.

Various bills to grant the right to vote in local elections have been presented by members of

the left and centre-left during the second Berlusconi government. More surprise was aroused

when the leader of Alleanza Nazionale Gianfranco Fini proposed the Constitution should be

revised in order to make it possible to grant the vote in local elections to immigrants (Bill no.

4397 Chamber of Deputies). However for the time being no reform has been passed.

The same thing happened regarding proposals to reform law no. 91 of 1992 on citizenship, a

law which had strengthened the principle of jus sanguinis. The previous 1912 Law did not

make any distinction and set five years residence for all foreigners before being able to apply

for nationality. The Law of 1992 demands instead three years of residence for

aliens of Italian

origin, four for aliens of E.U. countries, five for refugees, and ten years for aliens from non-

EU countries. The jus soli criterion, i.e. non-discretionary access to citizenship for foreigners

born in Italy when they turn 18, is thus modified: they must be legal residents since birth, and

must prove their continuous presence in the country. These two requirements were not part of

the 1912 law.

Under the 1992 law, 164,000 aliens of Italian origin (one Italian grand parent was sufficient),

who had lost ttheir Italian nationality by adopting a foreign one, could reacquire their former

nationality (and keep their other nationality). The constitutional reform law no. 1 of 17

January 2000 and law no. 459 of 27 December 2001 gave these and other Italian citizens

resident abroad the right to vote in general elections. These citizens who vote for the macro- constituencies in which they live (Europe, including the Asian territories of the Russian

Federation and Turkey; South America; North and Central America; Africa, Asia, Oceania

and the AAntarctic) are assigned 6 senators and 12 deputies; these parliamentarians will

increase the current composition of the Senate (315 seats) and the Chamber of Deputies (630

seats). The 2002 Financial Act extended the “social increase” of minimum pensions to all

Italians living abroad, mmaking this up to 516,46 Euros a month for 13 annual payments, or the

equivalent in local currency reflecting the cost of living in the country of residence.

At the beginning of 2004, 13,420 people obtained Italian citizenship while residing in Italy

(Caritas – Ministry of the Interior), 84.2% of whom through marriage.

Acquisition of Italian citizenship

Quantitative data

The facts

Italy became a country of immigration during the 70s. The number of foreign residents

increased from 143,838 in 1970 to about 300,000 in 1980 and, by the mid 80s it had

reached half a million (1985).

In the 90s, the foreign population increased further and from 781,000 in 1990 rose to one million 1995.

Even if the stock of foreign in absolute value with a residency permit increased

substantially, iit still represents a small percentage of the population, just a little above

2%, and also the percentage of foreigners employed in the total labour force is still low

on average, and it never reaches a value above 5% even in the sectors where foreign

workers are concentrated most.

Stock of foreign resident population in absolute value, as share of domestic population and by area of origin and most important nationality of origin. By Area of Origin By main nationality of origin

By ISTAT

The composition oof the immigrants change remarkably in the 1980s and 1990s. The

incidence of immigrants who came from the European Union declined, while the

proportion of immigrants from outside the European Union increased, and in the late

1990s accounted for 86 per cent of the total . Among the non-Europeans, in spite of the

increase in Afro and Asian immigrants, their relative incidence declined in relation to

Eastern European immigrants from Yugoslavia, Albania and Rumania, who became the

fastest growing group.

The growth of the African and Asian communities is clearly seen from the data emerging

from the legalisation procedure. Where the African and Filipinos nationals accounted for

the most important groups in the first and second legalisation procedures, the

Yugoslavian, Albanian and Rumanian were more important in the third and last.

The new immigrants tend to locate where demand for work is higher and more

facilities make immigrants’ integration possibilities easier and faster. According to the

territorial distribution of residence permits, in 1998, 30.4 per cent of the legal foreigners

are in the North-West, 29.4per cent in the Centre and 22.3per cent in the North-East.

During the 90s, the North-East area is the one, which has most increased, its inflows,

especially for Eastern European immigrants, but also for Africans. The South, with 11.2

per cent and the IIslands with 5.5 per cent are much less important. Among the urban

areas, Milan and Rome have respectively 13per cent and 17per cent of total resident

permits, but the fastest growing provinces – Brescia, Vicenza and Verona- are in the

North-East. The North-East is more appealing on many dimensions. First there is an

excess demand of labour. The industrial and service structure is dominated by small firms

in which labour legislation is less strict, and it allows an employment relationship more

flexible and more favourable to the immigrants who care less for employment stability

and higher wages. The gender composition indicates a small imbalance in favour of male

immigration; in fact, 54.7 per cent (2000) of the total number of foreign residents are

male. Data show a prevalence of female immigrants among some Asian groups – i.e.

Filipinos-, where only 33.8per cent are male, Latin American groups (Brazilian 27.8 per

cent, Peru 28.3per cent), while male immigrants prevail among the African groups

(72.3per cent among Moroccans, 78per cent among Tunisians, 92.9per cent among

Senegalese) and East Europeans, namely ex-Yugoslavia (65per cent) and, Albania (70per

cent). Among these two groups where the male component prevails, there are exceptions,

such as Rumanians and Poles, where female immigrants are prevalent and, among

Africans, Somalis and Ethiopians.

In terms of age aand household composition, young adults (18-39) constitute by

far the most important share with 65.2per cent of total presence. Most of them, whether

married (48.6per cent) or not (46.4per cent), do not have children 75per cent. This shows

that Italian immigration is still in an initial phase of migration in which one family

member alone usually immigrates. However, according to Caritas report data, the number

of family re-conjunctions are increasing at a fast rate. On the total new inflows in 1999 40

per cent were family reunion permits while this type of permit represents only 21per cent

of total stock of permits.

Among the immigrants from outside the European Union, 61.8per cent hold a residence

permit for work reasons, of whom 93.1per cent are regular employees and, 6.9 self-employed,

while 13per cent hold a permit to look for job.

The Census data from 1991 show distribution by sectors: about 36per cent in the

Industrial sector, of which 18per cent in the construction industry, 17.6per cent in the

agricultural sector, 30per cent in trade and service and 16per cent self employed. A

degree of ethnic specialisation exists: in fact, Africans are concentrated in agricultural,

construction and self-employed activities, while Asians work mostly in services and

agriculture and Eastern Europeans in construction.

Since then, Social Security data (covering

only employees) has shown an increase in total

foreign employment which reached 563,000 in 1998, 17per cent of whom as family

workers, 9per cent as agricultural workers and the remainder (74per cent) in the private

industrial (roughly 42per cent) and service sectors (32per cent).

In terms of occupational characteristics, 73per cent are registered as manual workers.

This is due to a combination of two causes: their relatively low education level and the

difficulty of finding a job on a par with their education and training.

The information aavailable regarding the education of foreigners serves little, given the

educational differences which exist between schooling systems. When it is based on their

declarations, there is an overvaluation of their education, when it is based upon

recognition of their degrees – the difficulties in comparing different schooling systems

may induce an under-evaluation of their education. Thus, given this provision, the

educational level among those registered at employment offices, based on degree

recognition – has fallen in the course of the 90s. The proportion of immigrants with nno

education was 75% in 1995 and increased to 85 per cent in 2000.

Illegal immigration.

The spontaneous flow of immigrants and the initial difficulty of controlling the

phenomenon create the impression of a largely illegal phenomenon. On account of the

work they do as sstreet vendors, windshield cleaners and prostitutes, a small number of

foreigners is highly visible and contributes to the impression that illegal immigration is

growing at a rapid rate.

The results of the legalisation procedures, however, seem to have brought some realism

to the size of the illegal phenomenon. The foreigners who were regularised were limited

in number and much fewer than expected; 118,000 with the first measure (1987), 234,841

with the second (1991) and 247,50014 with the third (1996) and 219,000 with the last

(1998). The illegality rate – namely, the number of immigrants regularised over the

number of residence permits – was 30per cent with the first procedure, 45per cent with

the second and 27per cent with the third and 18per cent with the last one, and it iis quite

constant over-time, and the very limited decline suggests that only a small percentage of

the total number of illegal immigrants can take advantage of the legalisation procedure,

that its frequency may determine repeated legalisation by the same foreigners, and may

attract additional flows of illegal immigrants.

Estimates of the number of illegal presents have been made on many occasions

using different sources .The most recent survey of the estimates stresses the use of

information drawn from the legalisation procedures in the calculation of the sshare of illegal immigrants. In 1994, the lowest estimate was 465,000 while the highest was 564,000 while

in 1998 it ranged between 176 or 295.000.

The changes in the immigration flows that resulted in illegal Polish immigrants being

replaced by illegal Moroccans and Filipinos, then illegal Albanians, and than illegal

Curds and illegal Rumanians, increase the difficulties in monitoring the phenomenon, and

make it more difficult to produce reliable estimates of the number of illegal immigrants

presents.

The national statistics office (ISTAT) provides a time series data (estimates) concerning

the work done by illegal or legal foreigners in the underground economy . The total

work measured in standard unit of labour amount to about 700.000 units, which

represents 3per cent of the total units of work and 7.6per cent of total non-regular units of

labour and 25per cent of total non-regular units of labour among employees. The sectors

where they work are the same as where they work in regular employment but with a

different intensity, mainly services (70per cent), agriculture and construction.

A relative latecomer as an immigration country

In Italy, immigration flows started after the 1973-1974 oil shock, when Britain, Germany, and

especially neighbouring France closed their borders. Flows were therefore partially diverted

towards Southern Europe. Italy appeared to be a transit country for aa certain period of time.

The 1981 census revealed an unexpectedly ‘high’ number of foreign residents (210,937) and

presence of foreigners (109,841), mainly of Italian origin. The first big influx, however, dates

from later, between 1984 and 1989, when approximately 700-800,000 people entered the

country. Of these, it is estimated that 300-350,000 entered or remained in Italy without a valid

residence permit. We thus begin to take two significant features of migration in Italy: rapid flows with substantial volumes; high proportion of undocumented immigrants.

Large volumes and rapid flows.

During the 1980s, it was Italy and Germany who received the largest influxes of immigrants

in Europe. And again between 1996 and 2004, the increase in the foreign population in Italy

came to 300% (Table 1). Naturally, the sharp jumps in the inward flows are only apparent: there are peaks immediately after regularisation processes. At the beginning of 2002 the foreigners present in Italy were estimated to be about 1,362,630.

Following the influxes and the applications presented under the provisions of the recent amnesty

(L. 189/2002), at the beginning of 2004 a total of 2,193,999 foreigners were

present. The increase in the number of documented immigrants between 2002 and

2004 is therefore 60%. After regularisation, immigrant stock started to increase less

consistently than before, aand at the beginning of 2005 documented foreigners (minors

included) reached the amount of 2.786.340 according to Caritas and 2.320.000 according to

Istat.

Table 1- Residence permits, 1995-2003

High share of illegal immigrants.

There are strong migratory flows everywhere, just as there are illegal entries and

undocumented presences, but the phenomenon is particularly acute in Italy. It is estimated

that 80% of work contracts has been assigned through measures of regularisation which have

occurred over the last 20 years. Italy attracts illegal immigration more than other countries

due to the difficulty of controlling such extensive borders and above all because of the size of

its informal economy. This is due to the expansion of private care and domestic services as

well as the proliferation of small enterprises where unregistered labour can be hidden more

easily. Public action has also had an impact on this dynamic. Immigration laws have been

mainly aimed at regularising the status of those already residing in Italy illegally, rather than

at regulating new legal entries. This has meant that the ‘back door’ of illegal entry has been

the only viable one. Between 1986 and 1998 Italian Governments introduced four amnesties

covering a total of almost 790,000 people.

The various amnesties did not solve the problem. They appear, in fact, to have attracted

new

illegal migration more than to have drained the pool of illegal migrants. The gap between the

planned legal quotas, on the one hand, and the demand for immigrant labour, on the other,

continuously reproduces large numbers of illegal immigrants. This is why even the present

Centre-Right government, which claims it fights illegal migration more firmly, accepted the

inclusion in its new reform (no.189 – July 30, 2002) of the possibility to legalise one

housekeeper per family and an unlimited number of care workers for non sself-sufficient

people, as long as they were hired before June 10, 2002 – a requirement that is difficult to

deny. Another decree (no.195 – September 9, 2002) extended the amnesty to other employees

hired before June 10, 2002. These measures were adopted under the pressure both of an

advocacy coalition (made up mainly of Catholic religious associations, democratic lawyers’

associations, part of the trade unions, academics) and business organisations. A Circular from

the Ministry allows those employees whose employer is not willing to regularise them, and

those eemployees who have been dismissed because their employer refused to regularise them,

to request an amnesty. 705,404 regularisation applications have been made, 634,728 of which

were accepted.

The high presence of non-EU foreigners in jail.

In Italy in 2002 foreigners made up 30.1% of tthe total prison population – a percentage which

was lower only than that of Austria (33%), Belgium (40,9%), Greece (45,9%) and

Luxembourg (63,9%) and Switzerland (70,8%)4. This imbalance has been explained in many

ways. Foreigners find it more difficult to obtain house arrest and probation; they are more

easily identified due to distinctive physiological traits. The problem is minimised by the fact

that aliens are usually convicted of crimes related to drug dealing and murders against the

estate. The data is difficult to interpret but certainly cause for worry (Table 2).

Table 2-Foreigners as percentage of all detainees

Different nationalities, fragmented religions.

There are no overwhelmingly predominant nationalities: referring to residence permits, at the

beginning of 2004, the largest national group was that of Romanians, who, however, made up

only 10.9% oof the total foreign population in Italy. The next most numerous nationalities were

Albanians (10.6%), Moroccans (10.4%), Ukrainians (5.1%), Chinese (4.6%), Filipinos

(3.4%), Poles (3.0%), Tunisians (2.8%), Americans (2.2%), and Senegalese (2.2%) (Caritas)

Table 3– Foreign residents by main nationalities.

Data on foreign residents are rather different: at the beginning of 2005, at fist place there are Albanians (13,2%), followed by Moroccans (12,3%), Rumanians (10,4%), Chinese (4,6%), Ukrainian (3,9%), Filipinos (3,4%), and Tunisians (3,3%) (Istat)

Table 4 – Foreign residents by main nationalities.

Neither can wwe talk of a predominant religion: at the beginning of 2005 – figures from Caritas

and the Ministry of the Interior – 22.6% of foreigners are Catholic, 20,3% of them are

Orthodox (the total number of Christian foreigners is 49,5%), and 33% are Muslims

Table 5-Foreign residents by main religions.

Before 11 September 2001, Italians’ attitudes towards Islam were relatively tolerant. According to a comparative survey conducted by the European Union in 2000, only 10% of Italians were against the entry of workers from Islamic countries (against a European average of 18%), 30% declared themselves ready to welcome them without restrictions (European average 17%). The attitude towards foreigners from Eastern Europe (mainly Christians) differed little: 9% did not want them, 31% were ready to welcome them.

The attitude of suspicion towards Islamic foreigners – Moroccans, Albanians, Tunisians

– seemed determined more by their high crime rates than their religion. If we read the list, the

gypsies are at the bottom, while the Senegalese encounter a certain popularity (Table 6). Since September 11, hostility has increased: a third of Italians has declared feeling more wary of people of Arab origin after the terrorist attacks on Twins Towers.

Table 6–Degree of liking/dislike of different nationalities by Italians

Qualitative ddata

Determinants of Immigration

The immigration phenomenon and its timing is partly explained by the closure of

several Northern European labour markets at the beginning of the economic recession in

1974 which pushed foreign immigrants to search for new countries of destination.

During that period, the conditions for Italy to become an immigration country were

already set. Wages for manual workers were higher in Italy than in France, and income

per capita had increased too to reduce the gap from Northern European countries.

Contrary to the 60s experience, where migration was pulled by the demand in the

countries of destination, in the 80s immigration was initially pushed by supply factors,

high fertility rates, lack of jobs in the country of origin, low wages and poor working

conditions and, given the proximity, relatively low transportation costs (Table 6).

Some available job openings were found in sectors such as family services, in the

agricultural, in construction and in many small industries, as well as in the informal

economy. Then, a chain mechanism was trigged and additional flows joined the stock of

immigrants (the flow stock ratio is on average 12per cent, with higher value in the more

attractive regions).

Table 6 Determinants of Immigration

The lack of an appropriate (restrictive) immigration law and the long and pouring

frontiers caused the fflow to start and the chain effect brought in additional immigrants,

even though the law became more restrictive and economic opportunities diminished.

During the 90s, the collapse of the former Yugoslavia and Albania put Italy even more

under the pressure of illegal flows. “Boat people” came in from Albania and other nearby

Mediterranean countries, but also from as far away as Kurdistan. All these people initially

entered as asylum seekers, and only after bilateral agreements were some nationalities,

Albanians first and foremost, repatriated without accepting their application for demand

asylum. Only 25per cent of application have been accepted. The fact that individuals know they fail to possess the appropriate prerequisites and prefer to enter anyhow, even at the risk of being and remaining irregular may be one of the causes of the decline in total number of applications. Even if East European immigration does not have the traditional characteristics of labour immigration (in the Yugoslav and Albanian cases, for instance, radical political changes took place), the push factors are still economic, with immigrants looking for better labour opportunities and higher income prospects. The country tried to regulate the flows, but the political disruption of

neighbour areas increased the pressure.

Asylum-seekers and refugees

Italy does not have a law concerning asylum

and refugee protection.

Requests for asylum is still mainly regulated by art. 1 of Law no.39/1990 and by the few

articles included in the Bossi-Fini 2002 reform. The 1990 law repealed the Italian clause of

ratification of the Geneva Convention which had previously limited the status of refugee in

Italy to people from authoritarian European countries. The Dublin Convention of 1990

(ratified by Italy in 1992 but in force only since 1997) introduced the principle of refusing

applications from people who have already been granted refugee sstatus by other states

considered to be “safe countries”, in terms of civil and political rights. As far as asylum is

concerned, a more liberal bill to recognise the status of refugee is now being examined by

Parliament. The new law of 2002 introduces a simplified procedure. A territorial commission is supposed to examine the application within 15 days of its receipt by the police, and then make a

decision within 3 days. If the request is rejected, the asylum seeker can demand a rre-examination

of the request. During the examination, asylum seekers can be kept in “identification centres”. For the re-examination procedure, one member of the national commission joins the territorial commission and the decision should be taken within 10 days.

In the event of aa negative response by the re-examination commission, it is possible to appeal

to a magistrate, but the appeal does not have the effect of suspending expulsion from the

national territory. The applicant, however, can be allowed by the Prefetto to stay until the

final decision is taken. The Bossi-Fini law gives institutional recognition and funds to the PNA (Piano nazionale asilo or National refugee plan) set up in 2000 by the Ministry of the Interior, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, and the National Association of Italian

Municipalities. This programme includes measures for temporary accommodation, assisted

repatriation, protection and integration, including courses of vocational training for those

claiming asylum – even though they are forbidden to work. In 2004, 9.722 asylum applications were presented, 8.701 oof which were examined and 780 accepted (Table 7). In recent years, Italy has granted temporary residence permits for humanitarian reasons to people from Somalia, ex-Yugoslavia and Albania.

Table7– Asylum applications and outcomes

Case study: Lampedusa

Background information from Amnesty International

Amnesty International has long-standing concerns about the lack of adequate and

comprehensive asylum legislation in Italy. Over the last year the organization

has also expressed fears that the Italian government’s attempts to deal with

arrivals by sea are seriously compromising the fundamental rright to seek asylum

and the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits the forcible return of

anyone to a territory where they would be at risk of serious human rights

violations.

In October 2004 the UNHCR requested access to the Lampedusa centre, but was not

allowed in until five days later. By this time over 1,000 recently arrived

people had been flown back to Libya, where the UNHCR was again denied access to

them. The UNHCR has stated that „the rushed methods used to sort out people by

nationality“ meant that individuals who might have had a valid asylum claim did

not receive a proper assessment. Amnesty International was also deeply troubled

by the speed with which hundreds of recently arrived foreign nationals were

deported from Crotone to Libya in December 2004, apparently without any

opportunity to seek asylum.

Libya is a state party to the Organization of African Unity (OAU) Convention

Governing the Specific Aspects of Refugee Problems in Africa, and is therefore

bound not to return anyone to a country where they would be at risk of serious

human rights violations. Libya violated this obligation on several occasions in

2004. Hundreds of Eritreans were forcibly returned in July and AAugust 2004;

many of those returned to Eritrea are believed to be detained incommunicado in

a secret prison where conditions are harsh.

The case: five hundred illegal immigrants have arrived on Lampedusa in 16 May 2006, under the eyes of Italians taking an early summer break on the island’s sandy beaches.

Like tens of thousands before them, they made their European landfall here after long journeys through Africa: sneaking across closely guarded borders, hiding in dunes in the Sahara, passed from one gang of people-traffickers to another like merchandise, robbed of what little they had at the start of the journey. Most have spent all the money they had on the trip, and often their families’ savings too. If they have made it this far they are lucky: more than 2,000 have died trying to get into Europe this way in the past 15 years.

Lampedusa is the southernmost point of Italy, halfway between Malta and Tunisia.

Hundreds of Italians, Milanese especially, pile off flights from the mainland every summer weekend.

Every summer, the island experiences this dual invasion: thousands of sun-seekers, and thousands of migrants trying to get away from countries where their lives are at risk, or to start a nnew life where there is hope for a decent future. The tourists disembark from their planes in view of the migrants’ reception centre. One of the popular beaches is in full view of the dock where the immigrant boats are towed in. There is no contact.

If you leave the coast of Libya and sail north, Lampedusa is the first place you make landfall. Today, as many times every year, the reception centre next to the airport is full to bursting. It is equipped to accommodate only 190 people. There are only eight toilets, and they don’t work well. There is nowhere for fresh arrivals to sleep. A state of emergency has been declared.

The latest arrivals have been fortunate: the weather has been fine and the sea flat. But in the recent past, coast guards have described ghastly scenes. In October 2003 they boarded a dilapidated wooden fishing boat in mid-ocean where the dead and the still-just-alive were all mixed up together, the survivors wailing for help. When the corpses had been removed, one young woman, unconscious and barely breathing but still alive, was found trapped underneath them.

Fifteen survived and 13 died, but survivors said about another 70 had already

been tossed overboard. Earlier that year, in June 2003, more than 200 died when their grossly overloaded vessel sank.

Coastguards wearing rubber gloves and surgical masks march them up the gangplank and give them a bottle of water and sit them in tight formation on the dock where a doctor gives them a look-over. Thirsty and suffering from exposure their faces are grey; lips tremble uncontrollably.

Conclusions

Some consideration on the emigration process could be that international emigration no longer seems to be aan option for young Southern European workers.

Income differentials among European countries has shrunk through time and in

some cases it has reversed its sign . In addition unemployment is a very widespread

phenomena, thus there is a shortage of work opportunities everywhere. International

emigration is no longer a rewarding investment for Italian workers.

A possible stream of emigration could involve skilled workers who represent an

increasingly important source of labour demand in many advanced countries. However in

Italy the proportion of higher education workers is aamong the lowest in Europe.

The limited increase in the level of education and wealth in the South has not increased

the international and internal mobility of workers but contributed to some extent to its

immobility: increasing job expectations of young people and tthe length of search

(financed mainly by the family and frequently by occasional work in the black economy).

While in the North of Italy (especially in the East) labour demand for all skill levels is

growing, a low cross regions mobility is observed.

In this mismatch between supply and demand, immigrants from abroad fill the gaps left

by the domestic labour force. If migrants are not directly competitive with native

workers, they could however have an indirect competitive effect by increasing production

in the labour intensive and traditional sectors. Such a process would slow down the

modernization which would create more jobs for qualified natives. At the moment none

of these effects is apparent, (that is there is no evidence of direct or indirect competition),

but in the future the sscenario could change.

In the future, however, the age of the labour force will create a generational demand for

additional young workers. Already in the next 10 years young male workers will find one

and half jobs available in the Centre and North of Italy because of generational factors.

In South of Italy fertility is higher and the demographic demand for immigrants is simply

postponed. Thus, if internal mobility does not increase, in the first five years of the next

century in Northern Italy the explicit ddemand for foreign workers will amount to 30% of

new entrants.

The immigration policy should comply with the short and long term evolution of

Southern European labour markets. This objective can be achieved if the immigration

policy is selective and flexible so that it can on one hand discourage clandestine flows

and on the other hand cope with the many changes in the labour market that take places.

Bibliography

 H., W. Wallace, ”Policy-Making in the European Union”, Oxford.

 “Official journal of the european Communities”, 2002.

 V.Zamagni, “Dalla rivoluzione industriale all’integrazione europea”, Bologna, Il

Mulino, 2003.

 G. Tesauro, “Diritto comunitario”, Padova, CEDAM, 2005.

 V.Zamagni, “Dalla periferia al centro: la seconda rinascita economica dell’Italia 1861-1961”, Bologna, Il Mulino, 2003.

 Roberto Santaniello “Storia dell’integrazione europea : dalla guerra fredda alla Costituzione dell’Unione”, Bino Olivi, 2003.

Internet

 www.caritas.it

 www.istat.it

 www.corriere.it

 www. amnesty.it

 www.interno.it